What are the United States and Russia doing in Suriname?

What are the United States and Russia doing in Suriname?

On January 16, 2021, the American naval vessel James E. Williams visited Surinamese waters to conduct a covert training in offshore naval maneuvers. The training happened discreetly, 140 miles from the country’s capital, Paramaribo.

The maneuver was the latest move signaling cooperation between the governments of Suriname and the United States. For years, Russia was one of the country’s allies. But Suriname’s new president, Chandrikapersad Santokhi, inaugurated in July 2020, has led the rapprochement with the United States in an attempt to draw a clear line between his own foreign policy and that of his predecessor, Desiré Bouterse. Santokhi has multiple goals with the new relationship: gaining support from the Surinamese army, increasing the fight against organized crime and reversing a decade of isolationism in international politics. But as the country chooses among potential allies, these suitors have been particularly absent in offering support or vaccines.

For the last decade, Suriname’s foreign policy was focused on China, Cuba, India, Venezuela, and Russia. Paramaribo started official diplomatic talks with Moscow in 2016. A year later Suriname withdrew its recognition of the Republic of Kosovo, just days before the former Minister of Foreign Affairs paid a visit to Russia’s capital. In the years that followed, the two countries agreed on cooperation in the legal and military-technical fields and signed an agreement on visa-free travel. The next year, a Russian helicopter was brought to Suriname, with much fanfare. The Surinamese government claimed it would be used for the development of Suriname’s interior by bringing food and water to places inaccessible by road. The helicopter was last seen only three months later, when it was taken to a hangar, supposedly to be taken apart and sent to Greece.

Since Suriname changed governments last July, it has turned its attention north instead. In September 2020, former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo paid a visit to newly-installed President Santokhi on his way to Guyana. During this short visit, Santokhi emphasized his desire for military cooperation with the US. A few months later, Admiral Craig Faller, a US navy commander, traveled to Paramaribo for a meeting with Santokhi and Krishnadath Mathoera, Suriname’s Minister of Defense. “The talks marked a strengthening of the neglected relationship with the US. It sends a signal of trust upon which we can build,” said Mathoera in an interview.

The US may have its own interest in the region: over the past few years, the American oil companies Apache and ExxonMobil have found oil and gas offshore Suriname and neighboring Guyana. In Guyana, ExxonMobil has been stumbling upon one oil well after another since 2015. With four significant discoveries in the last year alone, Apache and Total are officially gearing up for an oil boom in Suriname as well.

Santokhi also has a personal reason to improve relations with the US. It may help him ensure his political future. Military and political interests are closely intertwined in Suriname. Desiré Bouterse, the former president of Suriname, conducted a military coup in 1980. During his dictatorship, he relied on the army. After the return of democratic government, Bouterse formed a party called the National Democratic Party with disgruntled officers, with whom he returned to power as president in 2010. He filled his cabinet with former generals. Under his presidency, the army was also financially eroded. Of the yearly budget of $32 million for the Ministry of Defense, $30 million is spent on salaries - mainly for high-ranking military personnel.

As president and commander-in-chief of the national army in Suriname, Santokhi understands the need to address the military as soon as possible. “This army will no longer belong to individuals, nor to any political party,” he said in one of his first appearances as president.

One of the ways in which Santokhi can win the respect of his soldiers is by improving the conditions under which they work. A military cooperation with the US could improve the state of the country’s army via training opportunities and joint exercises, as well as resources. “Our human resources need to be better trained and deployed. Improving the position of women in the army is also a priority. The US can make a substantial contribution in all of these areas,” said Mathoera.

During Pompeo’s visit to Suriname, the US and Suriname agreed to work closely together. “For the US it is important to have access anywhere in the world in case they need it,” Mathoera said. The US government has planned to open an office of the Drug Enforcement Administration in Paramaribo. As the Biden administration takes power, it is not yet sure when this will happen, or what the cooperation would look like.

Santokhi makes no secret of his priority to reestablish ties with The Netherlands, Suriname’s former colonizer, and the US. But he often sends mixed signals. Santokhi has not recognized Juan Guaidó as the president of Venezuela, unlike the United States. It is not clear to what extent this decision has to do with the influence of Russia, which has supported former president Nicolás Maduro. When asked about these mixed signals, Santokhi repeatedly states that “Suriname wants to make many friends.”  According to Mathoera, the renewed cooperation with the US does not mean the one with Russia is off the table. “The cooperation with Russia has not yet been evaluated,” she said. Echoing Santokhi, she continued, “Suriname has always had friendships with many countries around the world. We have no intention of changing that.”

For now, Suriname has received little help from any friends in its current crisis: importing vaccines against the Covid-19 virus. Neither Russia, the US nor the Netherlands has offered assistance. A request to take part in the COVAX initiative—a global alliance for vaccine distribution--was to no avail. Suriname met all the requirements, but will have to wait for doses. The COVAX initiative does not have enough for everyone at the moment. With the Brazilian mutation of Covid-19 wreaking havoc in Latin America, Suriname must quickly look for alternatives. Last month, it began its vaccination campaign with 50,000 doses from India and 1,000 doses donated by Barbados.

Zoë Deceuninck is an investigative journalist based in Paramaribo, Suriname. She writes for the Surinamese magazine Parbode and for various Dutch and Belgian media.